MOTHERS OF THE MOVEMENT, appearing at the 2016 Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia, PA. (MARIA HAMILTON, WANDA JOHNSON, GWEN CARR, GENEVA REED-VEAL, LUCIA MCBATH, SYBRINA FULTON, CLEOPATRA PENDLETON, and LEZLEY MCSPADDEN). The picture is a Creative Commons licensed image from ABC / Ida Mae Astute (via Flickr).

Hillary’s Baby, Donald’s Maybe? Reproductive Injustice in the Era of Electoral Politricks

– by Jallicia Jolly –
An abolitionist politic in the era of electoral politricks strikes at the heart of what it means to be human, black, and woman in the 21st century United States.

Mass Incarceration Is Religious (and So Is Abolition): A Provocation

by Joshua Dubler and Vincent Lloyd

[This intervention is part of Abolition’s inaugural issue.]

 

The United States is not just a nation with an enormous number of prisons. It is a prison nation. Carceral logics and affects pervade U.S. culture, including in the arguments we make and in the fear and fury we feel. Not all Americans are equally implicated, but none of us is untouched. Just as Clifford Geertz once read from a cockfight a set of collectively shared secrets endemic to and constitutive of Balinese culture, so too in the United States today, careful observers can witness the knot of pathologies rooted in our prisons, pathologies that are also endemic to the politics and culture outside the walls. Mass incarceration contributes to this culture and politics, and it depends on it. A cursory list of our carceral maladies would include racial inequities, brutal class conflict, the violence of rigid gender norms, broken health care, hollow rhetoric of rights, the management of bare life, and much more. For our nation the prison is an apt synecdoche, and there’s no way to disentangle the part from the whole. For readers of Abolition, in asserting the preceding we are surely breaking little new ground.

Where we might stir you to surprise or resistance pertains to the issue of religion. Coastal elites and the media they control generally portray a country governed by fundamentally secular ideals, but the majority of our fellow citizens and non-citizens know better. We say this not to trot out statistics showing how many of us believe in God, or to venerate the vantage point of the marginalized millions who do. It is to make a more substantive claim about the ideals and values that motivate Americans to collective action. Namely, even those of us who would never be caught dead in a church are filled by the spirit of religion to roughly the same degree that we are subjects of this great and grotesque nation. American culture is soaked through with religious languages, practices, and themes: redemption, hope, love of neighbor, hate of other neighbor, beloved community, holy crusade. These and other religious tropes are woven into the national cultural fabric, and they furnish the tools by which Americans fashion selves and collectivities. This is true of those who comprise the ruling order, and it is equally if not especially true of those of us who struggle to dismantle that order. Considered in this way, religion then becomes a promise and a problem. In public, private, and in mass mediated spaces, elites frequently repress or carefully manage religion – just as they repress or carefully manage race, gender, sexuality, disability, immigration, and labor, so as to smoothly and seamlessly integrate these sites of potential disruption into the workings of power and flows of capital. To understand the U.S. as a prison nation—and to cure the maladies that afflict us—it is imperative that we understand the U.S. as a religious prison nation, and more specifically, as a Christian prison nation.

Read moreMass Incarceration Is Religious (and So Is Abolition): A Provocation

Dismantle & Transform: On Abolition, Decolonization, & Insurgent Politics

A conversation between Harsha Walia and Andrew Dilts, recorded February 5, 2015.

Edited for length and clarity, January 2016.

Although the conversation is somewhat dated and political contexts are shifting, the overall issues remain relevant.


Andrew Dilts (AD): I want to start by asking about “No One is Illegal” and your involvement with it. You talk about this a lot in your book, Undoing Border Imperialism (AK Press, 2013). For people who haven’t read the book, could you explain how you became involved with that organization?

 

Harsha Walia (HW): My work around migrant justice is based on personal experiences and fifteen years as an organizer. I grew up in a family of migrants with an even longer history of displacement. Partition in South Asia was a very violent process. The colonially-imposed border between what is now known as India and Pakistan led to over 14 million people being killed or displaced. It is known by the United Nations as one the largest mass displacements and migrations in human history. And when I came to Turtle Island, I lived as a migrant for many years, part of it with precarious legal status. This familial history of displacement, migration, labour exploitation and race—all the issues discussed in the book—are very personal for me. So after 9/11 when we witnessed massive roundups, surveillance, increasing deportations, and new anti-migrant and anti-terror laws being passed, that became my entry point into organizing within the migrant justice movement and No One Is Illegal.

 

AD: I want to ask you about the proliferation of security check points and border check points, because in your analysis, you describe how the border does not exist at the exterior of any nation. Is it right to say that borders are almost entirely inside of nations and that the production of illegal persons is happening not at historical or geographic borders but as a practice of bordering?

 

HW: The border extends far beyond the geographic border. The practice of bordering is being both internalized and externalized as power and modes of control are increasingly diffused. The border is externalized through interdiction, which is the interception of migrants before the border by disallowing migrants to board airplanes and making their journeys more perilous. In Europe, this outsourcing of border regimes has resulted in the drowning deaths of tens of thousands of migrants over the past decade.

The internalization of borders is happening in so-called public institutions—schools, hospitals, transit—that are operating as checkpoints and either denying migrants access and often acting as border guards to detain and report people to immigration authorities. The temporary foreign worker program also operates as a domesticated border and form of incarceration both literally and figuratively. Migrant workers often have their documents confiscated and are held captive to work under conditions of indentured servitude. For live-in caregivers in Canada, for example, historically Caribbean women and now Filipina women came to work as domestic workers and the rates of sexual violence are incredibly high because vulnerable migrant women are being forced to live with predominantly white middle class employers. The internalized form of control and bordering that is inherent to such state-sanctioned indentured labor programs is the new template for global migration, or ‘managed migration’ as the elites call it.

Read moreDismantle & Transform: On Abolition, Decolonization, & Insurgent Politics

Notes against & beyond Our Carceral Regime: Erica Meiners on Abolition

Sex offender registries and community notification laws, like prisons, often mask origins or forms of violence. Yet the persistent response: What will be built to replace prisons? obscures the harm and ineffectiveness of our carceral regime. This question also demands from those who engage …

Read moreNotes against & beyond Our Carceral Regime: Erica Meiners on Abolition

I claim abolition as method and politic – Jasmine Yarish on Abolition

Growing up female in poor, rural, white, Appalachia Pennsylvania, I was taught to avoid politics. Going into my undergraduate education as a first-generation college student, I also had little exposure to philosophy and critical thought. My first real step towards abolition as a politics …

Read moreI claim abolition as method and politic – Jasmine Yarish on Abolition

I am not searching for perfection: Maisha Jahzara on Abolition

Abolition has brought me to become involved in helping those who are unable to defend themselves against those who by choice oppress individuals for their own fulfillment. Slavery and mass incarceration are examples of such oppression which is done whether a person is guilty or …

Read moreI am not searching for perfection: Maisha Jahzara on Abolition